February 21, 2024 - 4:00pm

New research from UK in a Changing Europe ought to be required reading across Westminster. It’s all about the 40% plus of the electorate currently propelling Labour to victory. 

Who are these voters and what do they want? The report’s author, Zain Mohyuddin, identifies three main groups. Firstly, there is a core Labour group which voted for the party in 2019; secondly, the red wall voters who “supported Labour in 2017, but not 2019”; and thirdly, a non-red wall group of swing voters who also didn’t vote Labour in 2019, but who say they probably will next time.

It’s an election-winning line-up, but can Keir Starmer continue holding them together — or are these building blocks of a Labour majority destined to fall apart?

In trying to answer this question, Mohyuddin uses 2023 data from the British Election Study Panel to compare and contrast the three groups. In particular, he looks at where they stand on economic issues (using a Left-to-Right scale) and on cultural issues (using a progressive-to-conservative scale).

On the economy all three groups are heavily centrist. On cultural issues, however, there’s a clearer divide. There’s a substantial progressive minority (36%) among the core Labour voters — but only 17% of the swing voters and 10% of the red wallers think the same way.

All the signs are that Starmer is well aware of these numbers. For instance, on economic policy he’s made a habit of dumping his party’s most Left-wing policies. And no wonder — the fact is that not even the core Labour vote is very radical on the economy, let alone the floating vote. If Starmer’s Corbynite enemies want socialism, then they’ll have to dissolve the people and elect another.

Credit: BES

The Labour coalition looks a lot shakier on issues such as immigration and gender, but Starmer has a politically effective response on this front too — which is to say as little as possible. Expect no mention of the male cervix in the Labour manifesto.

What, then, can the Conservatives learn from these findings? The first thing to say is that the party needs to win back voter groups that aren’t covered by Mohyuddin’s research — like ex-Tory abstainers or defectors to Reform UK. However, there can be no recovery without also winning back the red wallers and other voters who’ve swung to Labour.

Culture-war issues are clearly relevant in this regard, because they constitute a fault line in Labour’s electoral coalition. But note that the great majority of non-woke Labour voters are “centrists”, not avowed “cultural conservatives”. What they want is common sense from government, not crusades.

As for economic issues (for instance, taxation and public expenditure), it’s vital that the Tories understand that almost no one in the red wall and swing voter groups is on the Right — the great majority of these voters are economic moderates. There are major implications here for the self-styled Popular Conservatives — a new Tory faction formed by allies of Liz Truss. The PopCons’ big idea is to present re-heated Thatcherism with a garnish of culture-war rhetoric. But, clearly that’s not what the voters want.

What they do want is an economically moderate and sensibly unwoke party that stands for every part of this country. Perhaps the Tories should think of giving it to them.


Peter Franklin is Associate Editor of UnHerd. He was previously a policy advisor and speechwriter on environmental and social issues.

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