How Antwerp became Europe’s drug gateway Where the cocaine trade flows, violent crime follows

The criminals here speak the same language and exploit the free travel. “It’s a historical thing, that Belgium and the Netherlands work together, and they misuse the border,” says Prof Colman. “For example, in the case of synthetic drug production, you have the drug production facility in Belgium and then the dumping in the Netherlands… The border between Belgium and the Netherlands is a bottleneck for criminal justice, and an opportunity to be invisible and expand territory for the criminal organisation.” When one of her research team went into prisons to interview people convicted of producing or smuggling drugs, they said they saw Antwerp and Rotterdam “as one port” — all that mattered was which contacts they had on the inside. So when Rotterdam increased fines last year for people trespassing in the harbour to collect drugs hidden in shipping containers, the smugglers could easily shift to Antwerp. “The criminal organisations also take advantage of the difference in jurisdictions,” points out Joris van der Aa, crime reporter for the Gazet van Antwerpen.

Researchers believe most of the cocaine coming to Belgium goes to the Netherlands, and police hacks of “secure” messaging services — key to arresting suspects Ridouan Taghi and Saïd Razzouki in the ongoing Dutch Marengo gang trial — have revealed the inner workings of this relationship. “Initially with the Belgian-Dutch criminal networks, the [Dutch] were mostly involved in the higher level: logistics, the financial organisation,” says Prof Colman. “But today we notice that Belgians have gone up the chain, including controlling and organising the smuggling. They are not only working for Dutch people: Dutch people could be working for them as well. We see an expansion in the criminal networks, and we also see a kind of shift with people from Belgium picking up the lead role as well.”

The cocaine trade is particularly streamlined, and the European market price of €50 a gram remains stable despite the amounts intercepted. Cunningham at the EMCDDA says: “When I ask law enforcement what they think the interception rate is, sometimes they say 10%, sometimes they say 25%.” Even if 40% were intercepted, it may still be worthwhile for criminals — like self-service tills in supermarkets, which accept a certain level of theft as “shrinkage” in exchange for lower staff costs. This is also a story, after all, about trade: a battle between the trade of the criminals supplying European demand for drugs, and “legitimate businesses” whose infrastructure networks they piggyback. When a company’s ships bring perishable goods to a new harbour like Vlissingen instead of Antwerp, says Van der Aa, the cocaine follows.

On the flip side, harbour companies and shipping businesses know that if — as Rotterdam mayor Ahmed Aboutaleb wants — they scan every fruit container, this costs time and money, making them less competitive. When I asked the five shipping firms that signed an accord with the Belgian and Dutch governments last month about this — Hapag-Lloyd in Germany, MSC in Switzerland, Seatrade Group Rotterdam, CMA-CGM in France and Maersk in Denmark — there was some reticence.

Menno van Gorcum, director of Seatrade Group Rotterdam, is glad of joint action. “It had reached a level where something had to be done, and fortunately there is sufficient political attention to this,” he says. “We just keep on doing what we have been doing.” Hapag-Lloyd stresses that it is a team game and agrees that nobody wants to be less competitive than other firms — or to tell the criminals how to get around the new measures. The puzzling thing, though, is why criminal gangs are now so openly violent, when this draws attention to their activities and forces politicians to invest more in policing. Voeten, whose book on the crystal meth trade is being translated into English later this year, believes it is down to cocky amateurism. “A good gangster is an ultra-capitalist,” he points out. “You use violence now and then, but the imminent threat of violence works better than violence itself.”

While violent crime in general has decreased across Europe, in the context of drug-related criminality, it has remained stable or increased, according to the EMCDDA. Cunningham ascribes this to the rivalries between many groups “all vying for a slice of the lucrative cocaine market”. The increase in Belgium is undeniable since 2012, with the first known case related to a rip-off deal. Now experts see violent crime used as intimidation and punishment, but also a tactic, so that police will investigate a competitor. We also know more about “invisible” violence, including the construction of an underground prison equipped with a gruesome torture chamber in the Netherlands.

Elsewhere, the contrasting approach of the Belgian and Dutch governments is starker. While the Belgian prime minster and the mayor of Antwerp are talking about cracking down — including on drug users — the Dutch will start a trial of regulated cannabis growing in the south this October, and Germany plans to legalise and control the drug. “Let’s be realistic: it’s impossible to make a fortress of our ports,” says Van der Aa. “The federal police is short 150 detectives. Trying to stop the cocaine is cat and mouse play, but the criminals are still there. You have to stop them — and that is not happening in Belgium.”