October 30, 2023 - 1:30pm

As tanks today reach the outskirts of Gaza, the spat that emerged last week between Israel and the United Nations shows no sign of abating. UN officials explicitly criticised Israel’s assault on Gaza, while Israel’s UN Representative Gilad Erdan called for the resignation of Secretary-General António Guterres after Guterres said that the Hamas atrocities of 7 October did not “occur in a vacuum” and drew attention to Israel’s continued occupation of Palestinian land. 

Relations between Israel and the UN are unlikely to improve anytime soon, as diplomats and resolutions strive to contain and limit the conflict. Meanwhile, UN agencies are struggling to supply relief to Gaza, with thousands breaking into aid depots at the weekend in what the organisation described as a “worrying sign of civil order starting to break down”.

Israel’s tempestuous relationship with the UN is usually linked to the notorious “Zionism is racism” resolution adopted by the General Assembly in 1975, but really it stretches deeper, reaching even into the pre-history of the Jewish state.  

However fraught Israel’s relations and membership within the UN may be, it is unlikely to disintegrate completely. This is not only because both the history and fate of Israel and Palestine are so intertwined with the history of international organisation, but also because the end of the conflict is likely to deepen the UN’s role in Gaza and perhaps the region more widely. 

When the British Empire took over the government of Palestine following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War, it was as a mandate territory of the world’s first global inter-state organisation, the League of Nations, on whose behalf Britain committed to steer Palestine as a “sacred trust of civilisation”. 

The League mandate system was part of the slow process by which functions of imperial ordering in international affairs were slowly but steadily transferred from national capitals to international organisations over the course of the last century. On the eve of Israel’s independence and the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948, Palestine was a trust territory — the UN version of the League’s earlier mandate system. 

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) is one of the oldest such bodies in the world, formed in 1949 to provide humanitarian support for both Jewish and Palestinian refugees in the wake of the 1948 war. It now supplies all sorts of de facto quasi-state public services, such as healthcare and education, to Palestinian refugees across the region. 

These historic tendencies to international oversight in the region are being reinforced by the dynamics of the current conflict. The Palestinian solidarity movement might sloganeer about Palestinian freedom “from the river to the sea”, but the thrust of their political demands are essentially humanitarian — a ceasefire, aid corridors and the provision of relief. Paradoxically, these demands for the international community to restrain Israel and protect the Palestinians from Benjamin Netanyahu’s wrath mesh with the logic of Israel’s renewed assault on Gaza. Israel has stated that it intends to divest itself of any lingering responsibility for Gaza after the elimination of Hamas. 

This makes it possible if not increasingly likely that some kind of UN-approved international protectorate will become the default solution to oversee a devastated Gaza once Israel withdraws its forces. Thus Israel will be increasingly dependent on the UN to maintain order on its borders, and the Palestinians may have plenty more international aid and support, but they will be no more free under a revived UN trusteeship than they are beneath the assault of Israeli bombs. Perversely, Palestinian solidarity cast in humanitarian terms is strengthening the likelihood that Palestinian freedom will be eclipsed for the foreseeable future.


Philip Cunliffe is Associate Professor of International Relations at the Institute of Risk and Disaster Reduction, University College London. He is author or editor of eight books, as well as a co-author of Taking Control: Sovereignty and Democracy After Brexit (2023). He is one of the hosts of the Bungacast podcast.

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