January 18, 2024 - 7:00am

Quick, look. That rarest of creatures has made an appearance in Westminster: political judgement. After last night’s vote in the House of Commons, in which Rishi Sunak’s emergency bill to protect the Rwanda deportation scheme passed by 320 votes to 276, it is clear the Prime Minister has won an important victory, politically at least. He can derive some satisfaction from the fact that, after much commotion, only 11 Tory MPs ended up rebelling against the bill on its third reading. And yet he should not get complacent: much tougher tests remain.

For now, though, it is a job well done. For a long time, it didn’t look as though the PM would even reach this point. In the face of open hostility from the Tory Right, particularly in December during the second reading of his emergency Rwanda bill, Sunak could have panicked. He didn’t, and now has the bill he said he wanted. The political reality is that Sunak called his opponents’ bluff. 

Before we get to the caveats, we should pause to paint the optimistic scenario for those of a Conservative persuasion. With the scheme now at least temporarily saved, the Government just might find itself capable of actually deporting someone to Rwanda before the next election. What’s more, if the scheme is started in any meaningful way, whereby a significant number of flights take off, the policy might even have some effect — marginal or otherwise — on the numbers of small boat crossings throughout this year.

For the Labour Party, such a scenario presents an obvious political problem, exacerbated by the fact that it has unequivocally opposed the policy on moral as well as practical grounds. And yet, as the polling makes clear, there is overwhelming public agreement that immigration — legal and illegal — has become too high and must be brought down. 

The reality, therefore, is that even though the number of illegal arrivals represents a tiny proportion of the overall number coming to Britain each year, the small boat crossings form the most striking visual evidence of the UK’s inability to control its border. Any policy which is seen as successfully dealing with this could become an important electoral asset. Besides, once it is a working policy it is the status quo ante for which Labour must defend a policy to get rid of it. 

Herein lies the essence of Sunak’s emerging reelection strategy: stick with the plan. In the Prime Minister’s dream scenario, by the time of this autumn’s election he will have a working Rwanda policy, rising living standards and at least one tax-cutting Budget fresh in public memory. This is the eye of the needle through which Sunak must sail the Conservative Party over the next nine months if he is to have any hope of denying Keir Starmer power.

But there is an important caveat. Suella Braverman, Robert Jenrick and the nine other troublesome Tories might be right. For years the Government has claimed the Rwanda scheme will work, only for it to be blocked by the courts at every turn. What is to say the courts won’t block it again? 

There is something in all this which is reminiscent of the Maastricht debates of 1991. Back then, John Major declared “game, set and match” and his party seemed to believe him, providing almost universal support apart from a few hardline hold-outs. And then the Danes voted against the treaty six months later and everything almost fell apart.

The reality today is that Sunak has secured a short-term victory, demonstrating sharp political judgement. But the battle is far from over.


is UnHerd’s Political Editor. He is the author of Betting The House: The Inside Story of the 2017 Election.

TomMcTague