December 13, 2023 - 4:00pm

Mark Drakeford, like Nicola Sturgeon, is one of those politicians who outside their own province has often seemed to live in the national consciousness more as a totem than a real person. In other words, a solid, sensible contrast with the chaos which has gripped Westminster since 2016.

Unlike Sturgeon, the manner of his departure seems unlikely to dent that impression. Drakeford is stepping down at a time of his own choosing, and Labour’s grip on power in Cardiff Bay is not obviously weaker now than when he took office five years ago.

More damningly, nor will the fact that he announced his plans to step down just a week after the publication of the latest PISA rankings, which show once again that Wales has the worst-performing schools in the United Kingdom.

This is not entirely the outgoing First Minister’s fault. But it is his party’s, and Drakeford must take his share of it. It was Labour who used the advent of devolution in 1998 to scrap league tables and opt out of education reform, and the results speak for themselves:

Welsh exam results fell so precipitously during the Labour era that academics from elsewhere flocked to the principality to investigate what had gone wrong. They discovered not a funding gap but a man-made crisis triggered by Welsh politicians, who bowed to bullying from teachers’ unions and scrapped examination league tables.
- The Economist, 2012

That article was published over a decade ago. But little has changed since. And why should it? Labour remains the dominant party in the Senedd, and can usually adjust the way it measures school performance to make cross-border comparisons difficult.

And if Conservative politicians try to put the spotlight on the Welsh Government’s record — be that Michael Gove on schools or David Cameron on the NHS — they can be branded as malicious outsiders with “colonial” attitudes.

Drakeford’s ministry was a political success, but not a governmental one. The same can be said of Labour’s unbroken rule in Wales since 1998; too often the point has seemed to be doing things differently to England, especially during Covid, rather than doing them well.

Whoever succeeds him will find it easy enough to do more of the same, especially as a Labour government in London will have no incentive to scrutinise Cardiff’s failures.

Perhaps the most important question in the coming leadership contest will be whether any of the contenders have the courage to do things differently; to face up to the responsibility that comes with their ever-expanding range of devolved powers, and their party’s historic failure to make the best of them.

The other is how to handle nationalism. Drakeford is sometimes lauded in Westminster circles as an exemplary unionist politician. But if he has stemmed the rise of Plaid Cymru, it is only by making Welsh Labour the nationalist party, misrepresenting the United Kingdom as a confederation in his manifesto and allowing at least one separatist candidate to stand for the Senedd under Labour’s banner.

Scottish Labour ought to be a grim warning of how such a devil’s bargain ends. But again, the alternative to undermining the UK is taking responsibility for the results of a devolved government. Who’d want to do that?


Henry Hill is Deputy Editor of ConservativeHome.

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