January 11, 2024 - 1:00pm

Since the new coalition government took power in December, Poland’s institutions have turned into vicious political battlegrounds on a level unprecedented in the country’s modern history. Seeking to hold onto the fiefdoms they had captured for themselves during eight years in power, the-now opposition Law and Justice Party (PiS) party has made it clear that it is determined to foil the new centrist government, led by Donald Tusk, in its mission to rid the state of PiS’s populist, Right-wing legacy — something Tusk has signalled he will do by any means at his disposal.

In the latest volley, Warsaw police arrested two MPs on Tuesday who had served in the Ministry of the Interior under the PiS government, after the pair had sought refuge in the Presidential Palace with the help of President Andrzej Duda, himself a PiS loyalist. The two had previously been convicted of abusing their power in an anti-corruption bureau years ago, before courts sentenced them in December and ordered their arrest this Monday.

The move has been welcomed by Tusk and his cabinet, but Duda, who officially pardoned the pair in 2015, has vowed to use every possible legal tool to free the two politicians, one of whom has reportedly now started a hunger strike. Former Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki went further, calling the pair “political prisoners” in an English-language video posted on X, and compared their detention to the political repression that haunted Poland during the communist period.

Of course, Morawiecki’s hyperbolic speech didn’t mention the context for their arrest, nor the fact that Poland’s Supreme Court had invalidated and rejected Duda’s pardons in June 2023. But regardless of these facts, the arrest of the two MPs means they will likely be stripped of their parliamentary mandates as per Polish law, a reality that is threatening to kickstart a constitutional crisis in a country that remains deeply divided.

Backed by court decisions, the new government’s leadership see these arrests as a much-needed measure of accountability and a return to the rule of law in Poland that was eroded by years of PiS cronyism. At the same time however, it’s hard not to view the political overtone of this move, especially in light of Tusk’s hands-on efforts to “clean house” across several state institutions. Since returning to power, Tusk’s administration has dismissed several PiS appointees at government-backed academic and social insurance bodies, and most notably, in its quest to restore diminishing press freedom in Poland, forcibly replaced the boards of state-funded media organisations that PiS had interfered with too. This time though, its heavy-handed approach was deemed illegal by the judicial system, and was seen by some legal experts as a continuation of PiS’s notoriously authoritarian tactics.

At the core of this intensifying conflict is the role of Poland’s courts, whose integrity has been compromised by years of political appointments by PiS across the legal system. Understandably, restoring judicial independence is a central aim of Tusk’s government, yet if its moves so far are any indication, it seems unlikely to go about doing this without upsetting the applecart and fomenting further political upheaval. But both sides see these battles as existentially important for Poland’s future, meaning that the current conflict is only the beginning of a protracted, bitter, and potentially explosive period in Polish politics in which both sides will fight tooth and nail to safeguard their respective national visions. 

Whatever happens in the weeks and months ahead will likely continue to test the robustness of Poland’s constitutional system — and given Poland’s rise to prominence on the European stage following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the whole world will be watching with bated breath.


Michal Kranz is a freelance journalist reporting on politics and society in the Middle East, Eastern Europe, and the United States.

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